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The Historian and the Believer
Van Austin Harvey, SCM Press Ltd, 1967
Split-level Christianity
It has for years been a puzzle to me how Christians are able to
assent to apparently fantastic happenings and yet participate in
a society which contradicts so many of their deeply-held
convictions. They appear to live split-level lives.
This book fastens on an aspect of that contradiction which lies
so deep in our consciousness that it is hidden from us, is so
woven into the way we think that we fail to understand its
immense power in our lives.
Harvey follows in the footsteps of a little-known great, Ernst
Troeltsch, whose fundamental conclusion was that development
of the historical method constitutes one of the great advances
of human thought.
Is mundane, ordinary schoolboy history a great advance?
Yes, says Harvey. We of the 21st century find it difficult to
appreciate just how revolutionary it is to try to discover "what
really happened" - that is, the "facts" of the past.
Theologians who use historical methods come up with disturbing
conclusions, says Harvey, not because they have made new
discoveries, but because the historical method cannot in itself
be reconciled with the type of thinking which produces
traditional Christianity.
One implication of Harvey's conclusion for me is that the only
way traditional Christians can maintain some sense of coherence
in today's world is to split their thinking into two levels. One
level unconsciously holds the historical method deep within
itself. The other (on Sundays) freely asserts propositions
which are anti-historical.
What is, was always
I for one had never questioned the traditional assertion that
certain events upon which Christianity is supposed to hang
are "unique". That is, an event like Jesus walking on the
water was one of a kind which happened once and once only in human history.
In one sense - a sense which doesn't conflict with the historical
method - all events are unique. That is, no two events occur
in precisely the same way. Even if they appear to, no two
events can share exactly the same cause, and result in the
same effect.
I suppose that this uniqueness is dictated by the nature of
the time/space continuum. Two identical events might occur at the same time, but if they do they
can't happen in the same space. And two otherwise identical
events which occur in the same space can't occur at the same time. In other words all historical events are unique even if they
appear similar.
But as Harvey and others point out, we can't in history talk
of "events" at all except in an artificial sense. This is because
history is actually a seamless web of cause and effect flowing
through time.
The sense in which theological claims of uniqueness do
conflict with history is that if, in the seamless web of
events, an event can't happen now in the 21st century - then we can be reasonably sure it could never have happened. This is the historical principle of analogy.
If, to go to the nub of the matter, everything we know of
the present indicates the very extreme improbability (what
we usually mean by the word "impossible") of a person who has died coming back to life, then it is equally improbable
that anyone ever came back to life after dying.
Traditional Christians claim to evaluate and accept certain
events on the basis of "faith". The historian evaluates and
accepts events on the basis of their probability.
A faith statement resides in that class of statements which
do not, by definition, require verification. Verification is
incidental to the value of a faith statement. If I say, "My faith tells me that Jesus rose from the dead" then I have
just said something which can't be questioned using
historical methods.
A critical aspect of the historical method is scepticism
of any assertion about "what really happened", what it was the consequence of, and what it means within the
bigger picture. As if that were not enough, Harvey points out the effect on history of an explanation of reality
which depends upon the concept of the supernatural, as does traditional Christianity.
The supernatural is generally perceived today as a reality
utterly different from that which we usually experience,
but in some sense parallel to ours. God is of course
everywhere at once but, as tradition tells us, he
communicates from the supernatural realm into ours
via what we call revelation.
More than that, according to tradition, he acts upon
our reality out of the supernatural realm, sometimes
observably (like raising Jesus from the dead) and at
other times (we suppose) secretly.
The discipline we call history depends upon the concept
of a seamless web of events. In theory, were we able to
know and analyse every aspect of those events, we could
give a full and accurate account of "what really happened"
and why.
But if God acts from the supernatural realm into the natural,
history itself becomes impossible since we cannot know
what is normal cause and effect and what is God's doing.
Alternatively, God causes every event - in which case we
would have to know God's mind to know why anything
happened. Human choice and therefore human sinfulness
disappear if God is in total control.
In this view, no historical analysis of events can be effective
unless it can describe each and every supernatural intervention.
So, for example, we can't know for sure if it was God who
caused the first atom bomb to be dropped or whether
President Truman and his advisors gave the order. Further,
since God by definition causes events without himself being
caused, the seamless web of historical cause and effect is
irrevocably destroyed.
If God does intervene in the workings of the universe, we must have some way
of knowing which are events natural to normal cause and effect (history) and
which are God's interventions. There's a sense in which each supposed God-event
destroys history, since it is an event without a natural cause. And if God
causes all events, then history is the study of just that and doesn't
change.
The Bombshell Jesus
Harvey's account and analysis of how Christian theologians
have tried to avoid the impact of history is penetrating and
his criticism of their contortions I found most convincing.
The first bombshell came in 1834 when Strauss's Life of
Jesus was published. He asserted that people of New
Testament times perceived reality in a way totally alien to
modern man. In reaction, Christian scholars desperately
sought to establish the validity of the Bible, hoping to be
able to discover "what really happened" and so produce a
life-portrait or biography of Jesus.
They failed. The Bible in general and the New Testament in
particular have been conclusively shown to be of diverse
origins and of often contradictory content. And so it is hardly
surprising that orthodox theologians have so fiercely resisted
the analytical historical method.
Harvey deals with the most influential defenders of the
orthodox position, each one of whom has many disciples.
They include Bultmann, Tillich and Barth.
His account of Karl Barth's last-ditch stand is illuminating.
Barth's theology was sensational because be broke both
with liberals (who put aside myths and symbols to search
for "what really happened") and the orthodox (who retained
the scriptures on the grounds that they are "divinely inspired").
At first Barth used a subtle (but basically devious) defense.
It was good and right, he said, to apply all the tools of the
historian and biblical critic to the texts of the Bible. This
would take the seeker up to a certain point, beyond which
the "eye of faith" would take over to make sense of what
remained.
Only through faith, said Barth, can we really penetrate and
fully understand the Bible. He was later to abandon this
stance - but not before many imitators had used his
fundamental argument to complicate and confuse the
theological scene.
Barth's progress in defence of orthodoxy was long and
tortuous. But one element persisted throughout. In essence
he defined the New Testament as a set of documents which
report events of a unique class. It's arrogant to suppose,
he says, that only events which can be confirmed by historical
methods could have happened in history. The Bible, as
God's revelation to mankind, includes unique events.
The criticism of Barth which Harvey offers is nothing
short of devastating. In effect, Barth is telling us that
there is a class of evidence which is beyond the
capacity of the historian to describe, analyse, assess
and soundly judge. In other words, history is bunkum
when applied to the Bible, but valid when applied to
everything else.
The New Quest
The 20th century saw the advent of a new search for an
historical Jesus. Historically, any attempt to reconstruct
events "as they really happened" is obsolete according to
the New Quest, for the Gospels are not the kind of source
which can yield that kind of information.
The New Questers tried to revise the description of what
history is. They said that the true goal of historians is not
only an attempt to reconstruct an objective account of
"what really happened", the motives, needs and goals of
actors in history. It is also and primarily to tell how persons
relate to their environments, to describe the decisions they
make, to get deeply ("existentially") in touch with the
undertow of currents below personality.
This approach still requires painstaking analysis of evidence.
But it goes further to require of us immersion in the kerygma,
the proclamation, of the Good News and through that in the
"personhood" of Jesus.
Thus even if we can't create a biography of Jesus we still
have those authentic sayings and actions which originally
changed the disciples. And if we have these then we have
the means to challenge non-believers to respond to Jesus.
So the ultimate aim of the New Quest is to "…test
whether the Jesus of the kerygma is the same as the
Jesus of the new historian", writes Harvey. 
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