|
The
Historical Jesus Puzzle
(Continued)
Looking back it appears now to have
been relatively easy to demonstrate that across the diverse writings
which are extant there is a fairly constant emphasis on Torah as God's
gift and on the priority of God's grace [39].
Caricatures of Judaism as a system of self-justification by accumulating
merit, borne of reading Paul's disputes with fellow Christian Jews as a
source for understanding Judaism as a whole and of historical disputes
within post Reformation western Christianity, are slowly giving way to
more sensitive and differentiating assessment.
While Sanders's attempt to portray a
"common Judaism" has not convinced all [40],
The importance of Sanders's exposition
of restoration theology is that it provides a context for Jesus'
preaching about the kingdom. The hope was not some vague utopian dream
but a vision of changed reality, especially for Israel. For the poor and
for oppressed Israel it is good news. It will bring reversal. The
imagery associated with this hope in the Jesus tradition reflects
prophetic hope for Israel's restoration, the gathering of the lost and
scattered sheep, the eschatological banquet, the renewal or rebuilding
of the temple, the establishment of new leadership on the twelve thrones
of Israel, and signs of healing and deliverance. This makes sense of the
particularity of Jesus' vision and ministry, focused on Israel.
Sanders’s emphasis on the Jewishness
of Jesus' eschatological hopes finds affirmation in Wright's massive
volume on the historical Jesus, part of an ambitious undertaking to
write a comprehensive account of New Testament Theology [41].[43],
takes Sanders's notion of restoration eschatology further.
Wright speaks regularly of the hope
for the completion of the return from exile. The language feels somewhat
imposed on the material, more so than the general language of
restoration which Sanders used. It suggests the strength of a motif
which is not directly present. Nevertheless my chief difficulty with
Wright's construct is that it has been set within the frame espoused by
Caird and influential in Borg's work [43].[44].
There is doubtless much truth in this,
but I find Wright overplays this emphasis. Eschatological imagery is not
be collapsed into contemporary politico-religious commentary. Ideas of a
judgement day, of resurrection, of being at table with Abraham, Isaac
and Jacob in the restored Israel, suggest something of grander scale
established by divine initiative. Wright's analysis, though much less
sceptical than that of Jesus Seminar scholars, nevertheless is
vulnerable to similar criticism.
How then could there be such
discontinuity between the alleged understanding of eschatology shared by
Jesus (and Wright would argue, John the Baptist) and that of the early
church? The problem is that he has posed the alternatives too sharply.
We may agree: it is not a prediction of the end of the world but also a
good deal more than return and renewal. Transformation and
transfiguration, judgement and resurrection, do suggest something in
between.
The most careful, painstaking, current
project is that of J P Meier, who introduces his project as based on a
fantasy of what a Catholic, a Protestant, Jew, and an agnostic scholar,
using the resources of the Harvard library, might agree to say about the
historical Jesus [45].
While conscious of the difference between faith in Jesus and the task of
historical reconstruction, though not as sharply as Luke Johnson [46],
Meier proceeds with methodological rigour, but always, it seems to me,
with a keen eye for how faith might respond to his constructions [47].
What emerges is more the reality of a careful Catholic biblical scholar
attentive to the Church's agenda, yet seeking not to be too bound by it,
after the model of Raymond Brown.
It is still too early to comment on
his work as a whole. Thus far it represents a cautious, some might say
more conservative, approach to the historical data, with fine
discussions of Jesus' origins, Jesus and John the Baptist, the kingdom
of God, and miracles. It is less racy than Wright's work and more
rigorous in methodology.
4. The Historical
Jesus Puzzle
Historical Jesus research is like working over a jigsaw puzzle. We are
far from just having emptied the box onto the table and exposed 1000 or
2000 fragments. From the musings of many generations of scholars we can
identify clusters, larger pieces of the puzzle. For many of us the
constellation of unfinished work as its stands is already enough to
suggest meaningful contours.
History needs a good dose
of imagination for anything to emerge and deceives itself if it believes
it can produce completed puzzles. History remains a matter of degrees of
probability. It seems to me that there are some large identifiable
clusters - even if, like reconstructions of the sky and the sea, we may
eventually find the clusters are not perfectly put together in
themselves.
One cluster is Jesus' eschatological
outlook, commonly linked with what must have been his favoured term
"the kingdom of God", which we might paraphrase as the
expectation and hope that there will come a time when God will rule,
restoring Israel to wholeness, liberating her from her oppressors, and
bringing righteousness and peace to the land.
It seems to me that there is little
doubt that his was a version of Israel's hope and that it stood beside
other versions, many of which would have been in conflict with his own.
He appears to have spoken of this hope primarily in relation to what it
would mean for ordinary people, but not just as individuals but as part
of the community of Israel. His vision had to entail changes in Israel's
leadership and liberation from oppressive powers, but does not appear to
have entailed a political or military strategy. It is clear that he
spoke of this hope with the kind of immediacy with which John the
Baptist had warned of God's impending judgement and that he saw his own
ministry as already being an indication that the hope was beginning to
be realised.
The vision of inclusiveness expressed
itself already in his radical inclusiveness in reality. The vision of
liberation already expressed itself in reality in individual acts of
healing and exorcism, which, in turn, reinforced the reality of what was
to come in fullness. I think we see in Jesus' kingdom sayings both the
joy of anticipation of what is to come and the celebration that it had
begun to advance into the present.
But major components of the vision
were still outstanding. Still to come was the great restoration,
establishment of justice and peace, the resurrection and the judgement.
Still his followers (and the poor and hungry who had received promises)
are to pray, "Your kingdom come!" I am not convinced that
Jesus' vision of the kingdom should be collapsed into individual or
community wellbeing in the present. Nevertheless the strength of its
hope was grounded in more than faith; it was grounded in what people saw
happening in the present which went beyond hopeful anticipation.
This large piece, as I see it, must
retain its awkward shape: Jesus' hope did not become reality as he
apparently supposed, but that is a problem for theology.
In this context I
have already mentioned a second cluster of pieces. Jesus appears to have
practised exorcism and, despite the accretion of many doubtful features,
the tradition gives weight to the conclusion that he was also a healer.
Such activities were seen (by him and those around him) as evidence that
Israel's prophetic hopes were reaching fulfilment. It seems very likely
that they were seen as manifestations of God's Spirit, as promised for
the time of salvation. This cluster should not be shunted aside in the
interests of appeasing the modern world.
Another cluster already touched upon
is the radical inclusiveness which appears characteristic of Jesus. This
may need some qualification because his stance towards the Syro-Phoenician
woman was initially far from inclusive [48].
Nevertheless, at least within Israel and perhaps with initial reluctance
towards Gentiles, Jesus appears to have shown an inclusiveness which in
turn led to controversy. This behaviour must be directly related to the
value given to compassion in his sayings and the theology of compassion
which informs his statements about God, including the nature of God's
coming reign.
It was in that context that the
radical inclusiveness is to be understood: doing now what is envisaged
as coming about then. The theology establishes its warrant by appeal to
every day experience in family life rather than to Israel's epic
traditions. This all coheres well with a stance which gave value to the
ordinary in contrast to the institutionalised forms of religious
experience and tradition ("not as the scribes"). The
inclusiveness ranges across acceptance of the disadvantaged like the
poor, women, the sick and disabled, children to keeping company with
sinners (toll collectors and prostitutes), although the precise nature
of the statement Jesus was making by being in such company is still, to
my mind, somewhat uncertain.
Jesus' Jewishness, including the
assumption that he was Torah observant, must be a central cluster in the
puzzle. Images of Jesus as somehow standing above or outside his own
religious tradition strain credibility. He was not a Christian among
Jews but a Jew. His interpretations of Torah, whether in witty defence
or in occasional exposition of its values and sometimes its specific
commandments, fall within the range of Judaism known to exist in the
period. This makes it all the more interesting to identify his
particular slant or slants in interpretation and to understand the areas
of conflict.
The Markan tradition preserves
anecdotes which portray a clever Jesus engaging in refutation by wit and
aphorism rather than by argument, and doing so seemingly over against
rather extreme legalist positions. There seems to be a common feature
across all main streams of the tradition of Jesus rejecting sham and
espousing compassion as the primary value and criterion for applying
scriptural law. But such prioritising still included observance of
purity laws, tithing and such like, even at times detailed
observance.
It makes sense to me that beside the
compassion oriented stance of Jesus we sometimes glimpse a conservatism
in some areas such as sexuality and dealings with Gentiles which may
reflect the conservative Jewish upbringing which the family names
suggest [49].
Scholars who see parallels with
popular Cynicism are identifying in particular those sayings and
behaviours which portray Jesus as tilting at hypocrisy, scourging
opponents with wit and aphorism, confronting the established values with
challenges to the power of wealth and family, including in his
lifestyle, and arguing from common every day experiences about faith and
providence. Such behaviours also bring Jesus into close connection with
Israel's wisdom tradition. He may even have used wisdom mythology to
explain his ministry and John's [50].
It remains striking, however, that
there is so much material which appears to have close parallels in the
popular philosophy of the time. The problem remains understanding the
connections, if any. Were there such secular philosophers in Galilee?
What would a conservative Jesus be doing imitating them? Was he, like
second century Christian writers, employing their wiles to attack the
evils of his day? Is the connection rather more secondary? Was there a
Jewish tradition which, like Israel's wisdom tradition, drew on the
wisdom resources of surrounding cultures?
I think these pieces form a coherent
structure. I can see how they connect to Jesus' radical message of the
kingdom and to his theology, but for the moment the connections beyond
that remain incomplete. But these pieces are not the unattached grouping
Mack would have us believe.
The most worn pieces of the puzzle
reflect Christian preoccupations with titles of authority. Of Messiah
there are few - and these are so ambiguous that the most we might dare
to say is that if Jesus saw himself in this light, he left history to
define its connotation, so that during his ministry it could have only a
chameleon-like quality, a cause for chiding those who espoused it.
Yet the strength of its presence in
the early accounts of Jesus' trial and death may indicate that it
belonged in some sense to Jesus' self understanding and surfaced in the
final conflict. Otherwise it seems strange that what appears incidental
soon became the symbolic focus of Jewish Christian faith and usurped the
kingdom of God as the dominant motif of their preaching [51].
One dark piece of the puzzle seems to
fit in two different directions - the title "Son of Man". It
sits quite well with the imagery of future hope as one of a few strands
of speculation expounding the great vision of Daniel 7 [52].[53].
The sombre colours
which make up the image of Jesus' last days reflect responses to Jesus'
provocative behaviour in the Temple. These two pieces clear fit together
in some way. The larger picture indicates in my view that Jesus
understood himself (and God) to be on a collision course with the Temple
authorities and he must have suspected it would cost him his life. We
cannot imagine his imaginings so we do not know whether he expected some
kind of divine intervention to be occasioned by his pilgrimage.
Vindication would have to have been part of it and resurrection at the
end time would have been a standard expectation, even if vindication had
not been an issue.
It is probably
irrecoverable whether at the last supper he really foresaw his death as
having vicarious significance, as some early strands of Christian
tradition were to believe and make the focal point of their message,
indeed of the whole story. It was clearly not the whole point of the
story during Jesus' ministry; at least none of the early traditions
suggest this was so. The later image of a Jesus coming to die for our
sins has very few pieces on the table of the historical puzzle, however
aptly it may interpret his death in retrospect. Yet the last days
complete an image not of deluded visionary or failed reformer, but of
one who confronted systems of power to the point of ultimate
vulnerability. The result is an enigma which some find revelatory and
others find pathetic or tragic.
It is a matter of debate whether the
colourful resurrection and appearance pieces belong in the puzzle or
constitute their own secondary puzzle. Their story is about the
disciples' perceptions, perhaps more than about an empty tomb - which
may be more of a deduction than a reality. But there is little doubt
that in the minds of the disciples Jesus had been vindicated as he would
have in some sense hoped and that this event provided not only evidence
of his exaltation to God's presence but also of the truth of his claim
that the kingdom of God was at hand. Disciples with a different
anthropology and eschatology might have seen it differently, but
theirs implied that to live on had to mean he lived in an embodied state
even though at a higher order of reality; and that to be raised in this
way was a promise preserved for the climax of history. They were indeed
living in the last days.
The pieces lie on the table. I have
tried to depict them as I see them in their own setting and with their
own integrity. This has included sensing where they are strange to us
and where they at present appear unconnected and unable to be connected.
It is my conviction that any historical reconstruction must take these
pieces or clusters of pieces seriously. The temptation will always be to
leave the awkward ones to one side or to bring together only those which
give us a more commendable image.
Unfinished puzzles drive some people
to distraction. Forcing the pieces never really works because it creates
other gaps. We can only visit and revisit the table, try new
possibilities, sense the contours which emerge, and sometimes, maybe,
take much of what we thought fitted together well apart and start all
over again.
For some, puzzles are a distraction, a
wonderful time waster, and historical Jesus research is little
different. For others, each puzzle is a challenge. But this is one which
will not be conquered. I think there is enough of a pattern there on the
table for me to recognise where my faith in the Jesus story connects to
some reality.
But I am not there desperately hoping
for faith's validation. The story fascinates me. It belongs to a history
which has given shape to who we are. In it we find again the fragility
of knowing and not knowing and beyond it the lonely responsibility of
decision and faith which creates community.
________________________________________________
[1]
There are a number of very useful reviews of
current Jesus scholarship. Among the most recent I include the
following: M. J. Borg, Jesus in Contemporary Scholarship (Valley
Forge, Penn.: Trinity Press International, 1994); J. Carlson, and R.
A. Ludwig (eds) Jesus and Faith. A Conversation on the Work of
John Dominic Crossan author of The Historical Jesus (Maryknoll:
Orbis, 1994); R. Crotty, The Jesus Question. The Historical
Search (Blackburn, Vic.: HarperCollinsReligious, 1996);
L. T. Johnson, The Real Jesus. the Misguided Quest for the
Historical Jesus and the Truth of the Traditional Gospels(San
Francisco: Harper, 1996); B. Witherington, The Jesus Quest: The
Third Search for the Jew of Nazareth (Downers Grove: IVP, 1995);
N. T. Wright, Christian Origins and the Question of God Vol 2.
Jesus and the Victory of God. (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1996)
3-124.
[2]
In his critical review of recent research,
Johnson, Real Jesus, writes: "But looking at the 'story
of Jesus' not in terms of a collection of facts or in terms of a
pile of discreet pieces, but in terms of pattern and meaning,
we found a deep consistency in the earliest Christian literature
concerning the character of Jesus as Messiah" (p. 165).
"If the expression the real Jesus is used at all, it
should not refer to a historically reconstructed Jesus. Such a Jesus
is not 'real' in any sense, except as a product of scholarly
imagination. The Christian's claim to experience the 'real Jesus' in
the present, on the basis of religious experience and conviction,
can be challenged on a number of fronts (religious, theological,
moral), but not historically" (p. 167). J. P. Meier, A
Marginal Jew. Rethinking the Historical Jesus. Vol 1. The Roots of
the Problerm and the Person (New York: Doubleday, 1991),
expresses himself similarly, "What, then, ask the objectors, is
the usefulness of the historical Jesus to people of faith? My reply
is: none, if one is asking solely about the direct object of
Christian faith: Jesus Christ, crucified, risen, and presently
reigning in his Church. This presently reigning Lord is accessible
to all believers, including all those who will never study history
or theology for even a single day in their lives. Yet I maintain
that the quest for the historical Jesus can be very useful if one is
asking about faith seeking understanding, i.e., theology, in a
contemporary context" (p. 198). Meier is strongly committed to
the critical role which historical research may play for theology,
not least because theology, itself, "is a cultural
artifact" (p. 198). He sees such historical research serving
the interest of faith in resisting attempts "to reduce faith in
Christ to a content-less cipher, a mythic symbol, or a timeless
archetype .. to swallow up the real humanity of Jesus into an
'orthodox' emphasis on his divinity .. to 'domesticate' Jesus for a
comfortable, respectable, bourgeois Christianity" and to have
Jesus "easily co-opted for programs of political
revolution" (p. 199). One of the strongest cases for the
relationship between the historical Jesus and the faith of the
Church is in the work of John Knox who emphasised the foundation of
faith in the impression created by the event of the historical Jesus
preserved in the Church's gospels. See J. Knox, Jesus Lord and
Christ (New York: Harper and Row, 1958) and also an application
of this approach in P. Carnley, The Structure of Resurrection
Belief (Oxford: Clarendon, 1987).
[3]
This is the argument of Crotty, Jesus
Question. See also my review of this work: in Colloquium
29.1 (1997), pp. 69-72.
[4]
M. Kähler, The So-Called Historical Jesus
and the Historical Biblical Christ (Philadelphia: Fortress,
1964; originally published in German: Der sogenante historische
Jesus und der geschichtliche, biblische Christus, 1892).
[5]
R. Bultmann, Jesus and the Word,
(London: Collins, 1958; first published in German, 1926);The
Theology of the New Testament, 2 vols(London: SCM, 1952, 1955
first published in German, 1948-1953) esp. 3-32.
[6]
A. Schweitzer, The Quest of the Historical
Jesus. A Critical Study of its Progress from Reimarus to Wrede
(London: A & C Black, 3rd edn., 1954; German original published
in 1906).
[7]
J. D. Crossan, The Historical Jesus. The
Life of a Mediterranean Jewish Peasant (San Francisco:
HarperCollins, 1991). Crossan believes Jesus offered the
"brokerless" kingdom, that is, access to God without
intermediaries, was radically egalitarian, and trying to change
society accordingly through the villages.
[8]
Robert W. Funk, founder of the Jesus Seminar,
and co-chair with J. D. Crossan, called scholars together in 1985 to
participate in an ongoing Jesus Seminar. Around 200 have
participated, with about 40 ongoing. They discuss, then vote with
beads on historicity (red-yes; pink-maybe; grey: probably not;
black: no). Not much of Mark survives; Lord's Prayer goes; mostly
sayings surviving in the Q-Thomas tradition are left reflecting
particular presuppositions about eschatology and about Q and Thomas.
See also R. W. Funk, Honest to Jesus. Jesus for a New Millenium (Rydalmere,
NSW: Hodder Headline, 1996).
[9]
Her theories first appeared in Redating
the Teacher of Righteousness and The gospels and Qumran: a
new hypothesis and The Qumran origins of the Christian
church, published in 1979, 1981 and 1983 respectively in the
ANZSTS/Colloquium monograph series, Australian and New Zealand
Studies in Theology andReligion, in Sydney. She developed her
approach further in Jesus the Man. A New Interpretation from the
Dead Sea Scrolls (Sydney: Doubleday, 1992), and it keeps being
extended as she has been applying her so-called pesher approach to
New Testament writings. See most recently her Jesus of the
Apocalypse (Sydney: Doubleday, 1994). Her approach entails the
belief that just as the Dead Sea Scroll writers saw their own
history predicted in Old Testament texts, so they wrote the New
Testament writings to refer to their story (that is a very big
assumption). It allows Thiering to create a Tolkien like world of
John the Baptist, Jesus and his followers, which includes Jesus'
life after the so-called death, subsequent marriage, travels and so
on. Apart from the methodological assumption, the other major
weakness is the dating of the scrolls which on the latest carbon
dating and religio-social research best fits in the period beginning
two hundred years earlier. Thiering's work appeals (to the media and
the public), because it offers an alternative view of Jesus to the
traditional church picture. Despite a complete absence of scholarly
agreement, her work goes on.
[10]
B. L. Mack, The Lost Gospel. The Book of Q
and Christian Origins (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1993).
See also his A Myth of Innocence. Mark and Christian Origins (Philadelphia:
Fortress, 1988) and Who wrote the New Testament? The Making of
the Christian Myth (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1995).
For Kloppenborg's influential analysis see J. S. Kloppenborg, The
Formation of Q. Trajectories in Ancient Wisdom Collections, Studies
in Antiquity and Christianity, (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987). Mack
dismisses Mark as a rationalisation by Mark of Christian failure. Q
(its earliest sapiential/wisdom saying layer) and Thomas tell us
Jesus was a Cynic type sage, challenging the establishment, not
interested in eschatology nor in Jewish Law and history. Mack has
done useful work on the form of the early traditions, but his
historical reconstruction is extreme. It assumes that a community of
early Q (pre- or even non Christian) read only one source. Mack,
Crossan, Borg and those dismissing the relevance of future
eschatology face difficulties: how to explain the close link with
John the Baptist and the many Christian traditions (including Paul)
who clearly espoused a future eschatology. Answer: Jesus and John
fell out or Jesus changed his mind after John's arrest - who is
writing fiction now? Even harder to explain is the transition to the
Church. Answer: diverse Christianities, of which only Q/Thom retains
the original emphasis.
[11]
E. Käsemann, "The Problem of the
Historical Jesus," in Essays on New Testament Themes
(London: SCM, 1964) 23-65.
[12]
On this see the useful discussion in Meier, Marginal
Jew, Vol 1, 168-174.
[13]
Bultmann, Theology, Vol 2, esp. 59-69.
For discussion of Bultmann's demythologising interpretation of John
which argued that the evangelist also treated pre-existence as a
metaphor, see W. Loader, The Christology of the Fourth Gospel,
Beiträge zur biblischen Exegese und Theologie 23, (Frankfurt:
Peter Lang, 2nd edn., 1992) 1-7; J. Ashton, Understanding the
Fourth Gospel (Oxford: Clarendon, 1991) 44-66.
[14]
For instance J. Jeremias and W. Zimmerli,
Art. "païß qeoü," TDNT 5 (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1967;
first published in German 1957) 654-717; V. Taylor, Jesus and his
Sacrifice (London: Macmillan, 1937); T. W. Manson, The
Servant Messiah (Cambridge: CUP, 1953).
[15]
Cf. the major studies by N. Perrin, The
Kingdom of God in the Teaching of Jesus (London: SCM, 1963); Rediscovering
the Teaching of Jesus (London: SCM, 1967); Jesus and the
Language of the Kingdom (London: SCM, 1976).
[16]
See Bultmann, Theology Vol 2, 31-42;
J. D. G. Dunn, Unity and Diversity in the New Testament (London:
SCM, 1977).
[17]
J. S. Spong, Liberating the Gospel.
Reading the Bible with Jerwish Eyes (SanFrancisco:
HarperSanFrancisco, 1996) espouses the view that Luke uses both Mark
and Matthew, a view argued by M. D. Goulder, Luke: a new paradigm
JSNTS 20 (Sheffield : JSOTPr., 1989). On this see the critical
assessment by M. S. Goodacre, Goulder and the Gospels. An
Examination of a New Paradigm JSNTS133 (Sheffield: JSOTPr.,
1996). For a recent restatement of the Griesbach hypothesis
according to which Mark abridges Matthew and Luke see A. J. McNicol
et al. (ed.) Beyond the Q impasse : Luke's use of Matthew: a
demonstration by the research team of the International Institute
for the Renewal of Gospel Studies (Valley Forge, Pa. : Trinity
Press International, 1996).
[18]
See the discussion in C. M. Tuckett, Nag
Hammadi and the Gospel tradition Studies in the New Testament
and its World (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1986).
[19]
H. Koester, Ancient Christian Gospels.
Their History and Development (London: SCM, 1990) 84-124. For
discussion of the contrasting views see F. T. Fallon and R. Cameron,
"The Gospel of Thomas: A Forschungsbericht and Analysis," Aufstieg
und Niedergang der römischen Welt II 25.6, 4195-4251; Meier, Marginal
Jew, Vol 1, 123-139.
[20]
Kloppenborg, Formation, (see n.10
above)
[21]
Kloppenborg, Formation, 244-245.
[22]
see n.10 above
[23]
Crossan, Historical Jesus, 427-434.
[24]
J. D. Crossan, The Cross that Spoke The
Origins of the Passion Narrative (San Francisco: Harper &
Row, 1988); J. D. Crossan, Who killed Jesus? Exposing the Roots
of Anti-Semitism in the Gospel Story of the Death of Jesus (San
Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1995). See the critique in R. E.
Brown, The Death of the Messiah. From Gethsemane to the Grave.
2 vols The Anchor Bible Reference Library (New York: Doubleday,
1994) 1317-1349; see also Wright, Jesus and the Victory of God,
47-52.
[25]
Most recently R. Eisenman, James the
Brother of Jesus. Rediscovering the True History of early
Christianity. Vol 1 The Cup of the Lord (London:
Faber and Faber, 1997). Cf. also his earlier works: R. Eisenman and
M. Wise, The Dead Sea Scrolls Uncovered (London: Element,
1992) and Maccabees, Zadokites, Christians and Qumran. a
New Hypothesis of Qumran Origins (Leiden: Brill, 1983); James
the Just in the Habakkuk Pesher (Leiden: Brill, 1986). On
Thiering see n. 9 above.
[26]
See E. P. Sanders, Jewish Law from Jesus
to the Mishnah (London: SCM, 1990) and, in response, J. Neusner,
Judaic Law from Jesus to the Mishnah. A Systematic Reply to
Professor E. P. Sanders. Studies in the History of Judaism
84(Atlanta: Scholars, 1993). See also E. P. Sanders, Judaism:
Practice and Belief, 63 BCE - 66 CE (London: SCM, 1992) and B.
D. Chilton and J. Neusner, Judaism in the New Testament. Practice
and Beliefs (London: Routledge, 1995).
[27]
cf. J. Jeremias, New Testament Theology
(London: SCM, 1971) 205-208.
[28]
Sanders, Jewish Law, esp. 1-96; E. P.
Sanders, Jesus and Judaism (London: SCM Press, 1985)
[29]
See for instance Test. Reuben 3-6;Test.
Issachar 5-7; Test. Dan 2-4; Test. Gad 3-7.
[30]
M. Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism. 2
vols (London: SCM; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1974); M. Hengel, The
Charismatic Leader and his Followers (Edinburgh: T&T Clark;
New York: Crossroad, 1981); M. Hengel, The 'Hellenization' of
Judaea in the First Century after Christ (London: SCM;
Philadelphia: Trinity, 1990); S. Freyne, Galilee, Jesus, and the
Gospels: Literary Approaches and Historical Investigations (Philadelphia:
Fortress, 1988); R. A. Horsley, Jesus and the Spiral of Violence:
Popular Jewish Resistance in Roman Palestine (San Francisco:
Harper & Row, 1987), a very useful discussion of the political
situation in Galilee, though tending to impose a spiral model of
revolution which fits Jesus in at a certain stage. The problem is,
as Freyne and others have shown, that Galilee was relatively quiet
under Antipas. His most recent work on Galilee , Horsley, R. A. Galilee
: history, politics, people (Valley Forge : Trinity Press,
1995), argues a continuing Israelite tradition independent of Judea
and the Samaritans - rather forced; archaeological evidence does not
support the thesis.
[31]
M. J. Borg, Conflict, Holiness and
Politics in the Teachings of Jesus (New York/Toronto: Edwin
Mellen Press, 1984); M. J. Borg, Jesus in Contemporary
Scholarship (Valley Forge, Penn.: Trinity Press International,
1994); M. J. Borg, Jesus: A New Vision (San Francisco: Harper
& Row, 1987); M. J. Borg, Meeting Jesus Again for the First
Time (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1994); Wright, Jesus
and the Victory of God.
[32]
See the volume, L. Levine (ed.) Galilee in
Late Antiquity (New York/Jerusalem: Jewish Theological Seminary,
1992), which contains a number of contributions directly or
indirectly dealing with Galilean archaeology.
[33]
Mack, Myth of Innocence.; and The
Lost Gospel; F. G. Downing, Cynics and Christian Origins (Edinburgh:
T&T Clark, 1992); F. G. Downing, Christ and the Cynics: Jesus
and Other Radical Preachers in First-Century Tradition (Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press, 1988); F. G. Downing, Jesus and the
Threat of Freedom (London: SCM, 1987); Downing has promoted the
view that Jesus should be seen as close to the Cynics, who in the
first century were wandering preachers, turning up at market places
or meals, espousing a critique of accepted norms, including the
cult, challenging dependence on wealth and the wealthy and calling
for honesty and integrity, often in a way that shocked, and
frequently with wit and smart pithy sayings. They called for
simplicity and trust in God, as the birds and plants are cared for.
Many parallels with Jesus and his manner. Problems: the parallels
are drawn from many centuries, though some. See esp. the collection
in A. J. Malherbe (ed.) The Cynic Epistles (Missoula:
Scholars, 197). Were they in Galilee? Yes in Gadara – a school,
but we have to guess. Would Jesus have espoused their ways, ignored
them, been indirectly influenced? Sepphoris, built on Hellenistic
lines, near Nazareth, but settled by Jews.
[34]
See the critical discussion in Wright, Jesus,
66-74; see also H. D. Betz, "Jesus and the Cynics: Survey and
Analysis of a Hypothesis" Journal of Religion 74 (1994)
453-475.
[35]
See Mack, Myth of Innocence, 172-207.
[36]
Crossan, Historical Jesus, 421.
[37]
On Borg see n. 31 above.
[38]
G. Vermes, Jesus the Jew: A Historian's
Reading of the Gospels (London: Collins, 1971); G. Vermes, The
Religion of Jesus the Jew (London: SCM, 1993).
[39]
See the demonstration in E. P. Sanders, Paul
and Palestinian Judaism (London: Scm, 1977). See also Sanders, Judaism:
Practice and Belief.
[40]
See Neusner's criticism (n. 26 above).
[41]
Wright, Jesus and the Victory of God
(see n. 1 above).
[42]
At a number of points I find Wright, Jesus
and the Victory of God , uncritical. See, for instance, his use
of the Sermon on the Mount, 287-292, the Lukan Nazareth manifesto,
179-180, and the Jerusalem chapters of Mark, 489-510. The case for
historicity is not well established.
[43]
G. B. Caird, Jesus and the Jewish Nation
(London: Athlone, 1965); G. B. Caird and L. D. Hurst, New
Testament Theology (Oxford: OUP, 1994).
[44]
So Wright, Jesus and the Victory of God
, 320-368. There he cites his earlier work, Christian Origins and
the Question of God. Vol 1. The New Testament and the People of God
(Philadelphia: Fortress, 1992): "There is virtually no
evidence that Jews were expecting the end of the space-time
universe. There is abundant evidence that they . . . knew a good
metaphor when they saw one, and used comic imagery to bring out the
full theological significance of cataclysmic socio-political events
(333; italics as in original). Similarly Wright makes much use of
the motif of return from exile. I found this a disturbing feature of
the book, because it occurs constantly and frequently feels forced
on the material of the gospels, which do include related motifs but
these are not all encompassed by that image or necessarily connected
with it as motif (eg. the dominant motif, kingdom), however close
its origins may be to the kind of hope expressed in Isa 52:7.
Wright's treatment of the Law issue is also unsatisfactory:
"All that the temple stood for was now available through Jesus
and his movement" (Jesus and the People of God, 436).
This is effectively a return to the problematic view that Jesus in
fact abrogated much of Torah and all the attendant difficulties
which that view has faced since the work of Sanders and others.
[45]
Meier, A Marginal Jew, Vol 1, 1.
[46]
see n. 2 above
[47]
This is especially so in his treatment of
Jesus' birth in the first volume and in treatment of miracles in the
second.
[48]
See W. Loader, "Challenged at the
Boundaries: A Conservative Jesus in Mark's Tradition" JSNT 63
(1996) 45-61.
[49]
See also Meier. Marginal Jew Vol 1,
205-208 and generally on Jesus' stance see W. Loader, Jesus'
Attitude towards the Law. A Study of the Gospels. WUNT 2.97 (Tübingen:
Mohr-Siebeck, 1997) and also forthcoming: W. Loader, Jesus and
the Fundamentalism of his Day. Jesus, the Bible and the Church (Melbourne:
Joint Board of Christian Education, due late 1997 or early 1998).
[50]
E. Schüssler Fiorenza, Jesus. Miriam's
Child, Sophia's Prophet: Critical Issues in Feminist Christology (London:
SCM, 1994) focuses on the few sayings in Q which have Jesus speak of
Sophia (Wisdom) or in wisdom language, to argue a theology of Jesus
with God as Sophia, and of an egalitarian inclusiveness (women,
especially) related to a compassionate parent image of God, but now
overlaid by men's reporting, argued earlier in her In Memory of
Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction of Christian
Origins (New York: Crossroad, 1984). A strand like this is there
and in different ways it reappears in John (Logos and Wisdom Torah
images, bread, light, life) and Paul (firstborn, mediator of
creation, image of God). The issue of overlay is hard to
assess – feasible, but what are the controls? There may be a
danger of ignoring less acceptable traditions – what if Jesus does
not reflect the ideal? Borg favours the sage approach in his Meeting
Jesus as does B. Witherington, The Jesus Quest: The Third
Search for the Jew of Nazareth (Downers Grove: IVP, 1995).
[51]
See the discussion in N. A. Dahl, The
Crucified Messiah and Other Essays (Minneapolis: Augsburg,
1974); and "Messianic Ideas and the Crucifixion of Jesus,"
in J. H. Charlesworth (ed.) The Messiah. Developments in Earliest
Judaism and Christianity (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1992) 382-403.
[52]
H. E. Tödt, The Son of Man in the
Synoptic Tradition (London; SCM, 1965); F. Hahn, The Titles
of Jesus in Christology (London: Lutterworth, 1969); A. Y.
Collins, "The Origin of the Designation of Jesus as 'Son of
Man'," HTR 80 (1987) 391-407.
[53]
Vermes, Jesus the Jew; B. Lindars, Jesus
Son of Man (London: SPCK, 1983); D. R. A. Hare, The Son of
Man tradition (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1990).
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